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Henry Kissinger

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Henry Kissinger


56th United States Secretary of State
In office
September 22, 1973 – January 20, 1977
President Richard Nixon
Gerald Ford
Deputy Kenneth Rush
Robert S. Ingersoll
Charles W. Robinson
Preceded by William P. Rogers
Succeeded by Cyrus Vance


8th United States National Security Advisor
In office
December 2, 1968 – November 3, 1975
President Richard Nixon
Gerald Ford
Preceded by Walt Rostow
Succeeded by Brent Scowcroft


Born May 27, 1923 (1923-05-27) (age 85)
Fürth, Bavaria, Germany
Political party Republican
Spouse Ann Fleisher 1949-1964
Nancy Maginnes 1974-present
Alma mater City College of New York
Harvard University
Profession Diplomat
Religion Jewish
Military service
Service/branch United States Army
Rank Sergeant
Unit 970th Counter Intelligence Corps
Henry Alfred Kissinger (born Heinz Alfred Kissinger on May 27, 1923) is a German-born American political scientist, diplomat, and winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. He served as National Security Advisor and later concurrently as Secretary of State in the Nixon administration.

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of détente. He negotiated a settlement ending the Vietnam war, but due to a combination of causes, the cease-fire proved unstable; no lasting peace resulted beyond the retreat of US troops.

In the Nixon and Ford administrations he cut a flamboyant figure. He described himself as perhaps the only National Security Advisor to have a fan club. His foreign policy record made him a villain to the anti-war left (see the Operation Condor section below).

Kissinger's political involvement continues—he was the "most frequent visitor" to the George W. Bush White House as an unofficial political advisor on Israel and the Middle East—including the invasion and occupation of Iraq. Recently National Security Adviser James L. Jones said "I take my daily orders from Dr. Kissinger, filtered down through General Brent Scowcroft and Sandy Berger, who is also here." in a speech at the 45th Munich Conference on Security Policy on February 8, 2009.[1]

Contents [hide]
1 Personal background
2 Foreign policy
2.1 Détente and the opening to China
2.2 Vietnam War
2.3 1971 Indo-Pakistani War
2.4 1973 Yom Kippur War
2.5 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus
2.6 Latin American policy
2.6.1 Intervention in Chile
2.6.2 Intervention in Argentina
2.7 Africa
2.8 East Timor
2.9 Portugal
3 Accusations of war crimes and legal difficulties
3.1 Columbia University Students Reject Kissinger's Appointment to Endowed Chair at the University
3.2 The Trial of Henry Kissinger (book and movie)
3.3 Involvement in Operation Condor
3.4 Asia
4 Public perception
5 Later roles
5.1 Business interests and public service
5.2 Role in U.S. foreign policy
5.2.1 Kissinger and Iraq
5.2.2 Kissinger and Iran
5.2.3 Private organizations closely related to Kissinger
7 Footnotes
8 Further reading
9 External links

[edit] Personal background
Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in Fürth, Bavaria, Germany, to Jewish parents Louis Kissinger (1887-1982), a schoolteacher, and Paula Stern (1901-1998). His surname was first taken by his great-great-grandfather, Meyer Löb, in 1817 after the city of Bad Kissingen.[2] In 1938, fleeing Nazi persecution, his family moved to New York. Here he (or maybe his parents) changed his name to Henry because Heinz sounded too German. Kissinger was naturalized a U.S. citizen on June 19, 1943, while in military training at Camp Croft in Spartanburg, South Carolina. He was 20.

He spent his high school years in the Washington Heights section of upper Manhattan, but never lost his pronounced German accent, perhaps due to childhood shyness which made him hesitant to speak.[3] Henry Kissinger attended George Washington High School at night and worked in a shaving-brush factory during the day. While attending City College of New York, in 1943, he was drafted into the US Army, trained at Clemson College in South Carolina, and became a German interpreter for the 970th Counter Intelligence Corps. He thus achieved the rank of sergeant. Following the war, he remained in Europe as a civilian instructor at the European Command Intelligence School, Camp King.[4]

Henry Kissinger received his A.B. degree summa cum laude at Harvard College in 1950, where he studied under William Yandell Elliott.[5] He received his A.M. and Ph.D. degrees at Harvard University in 1952 and 1954, respectively. In 1952, while still at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the Director of the Psychological Strategy Board.[6] His doctoral dissertation was "Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of Castlereagh and Metternich)."

Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government and at the Center for International Affairs. He became Associate Director of the latter in 1957. In 1955, he was a consultant to the National Security Council's Operations Coordinating Board.[6] During 1955 and 1956, he was also Study Director in Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations. He released his Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year.[7] From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund as director of its Special Studies Project.[6] He was Director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. He was also Director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971. Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies, including the Operations Research Office, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and the Department of State, and the Rand Corporation, a think-tank.[6]

Keen to have a greater influence on US foreign policy, Kissinger became a supporter of, and advisor to, Nelson Rockefeller, Governor of New York, who sought the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964 and 1968. After Richard Nixon won the presidency in 1968, he made Kissinger National Security Advisor.

With his first wife, Ann Fleischer, he had two children, Elizabeth and David. Henry and Ann divorced in 1964. He married Nancy Maginnes in 1973. They live in Kent, Connecticut. He is the head of Kissinger Associates, a consulting firm. During the years in between the end of his first marriage and his second, Kissinger was linked to a number of high-profile women, including Barbara Walters, Gina Lollobrigida, Joanna Barnes, Marlo Thomas, Persis Khambatta, Zsa Zsa Gabor, Candice Bergen, Samantha Eggar, and Jill St. John.

He had triple coronary bypass heart surgery in May 1982.

He has a brother, Walter, who is one year younger.

Kissinger is a fan of the New York Yankees baseball team. A life long soccer fan, Kissinger is a supporter and honorary member of the German soccer club Spielvereinigung Greuther Fürth from his hometown, of which he was a member in his youth.[8] During the 1970s, Kissinger was among the many celebrity fans of the New York Cosmos. He was proclaimed an honorary Harlem Globetrotter in 1976.[9]

[edit] Foreign policy

Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice Warren Burger, September 22, 1973. Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible upon which he was sworn in while President Nixon looks on.Kissinger served as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State under President Richard Nixon, and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor Gerald Ford.[10]

A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of détente. This policy led to a significant relaxation in U.S.-Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai. The talks concluded with a rapprochement between the United States and the People's Republic of China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alliance. He was awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for helping to establish a ceasefire in and US withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable.[11]

Kissinger favored the maintenance of friendly diplomatic relationships with right-wing military dictatorships in the Southern Cone and elsewhere in Latin America.

[edit] Détente and the opening to China

Kissinger, shown here with Zhou Enlai and Mao Zedong, negotiated rapprochement with the People's Republic of China.As National Security Advisor under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of détente with the Soviet Union, seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers. As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (culminating in the SALT I treaty) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty with Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party. Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest to the invasion by Warsaw Pact troops of Czechoslovakia in August 1968.

Kissinger sought to place diplomatic pressure on the Soviet Union. He made two trips to the People's Republic of China in July and October, 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai, then in charge of Chinese foreign policy. This paved the way for the groundbreaking 1972 summit between Nixon, Zhou, and Communist Party of China Chairman Mao Zedong, as well as the formalization of relations between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. While Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of Liaison Offices in the Chinese and American capitals, with serious implications for Indochinese matters, full normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China would not occur until 1979, for reasons including the following: Watergate (see article) overshadowed the latter years of the Nixon presidency. Second, the United States also continued to recognize the Republic of China government on Taiwan. Nevertheless, the idea of opening to China is often cited as Kissinger's international masterstroke, and the ultimate reward for his faith in realpolitik.[citation needed]

[edit] Vietnam War
Main article: Vietnam War
Kissinger's involvement in Indochina started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon. While still at Harvard, he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the White House and State Department. Kissinger says that "In August 1965...Henry Cabot Lodge, an old friend serving as Ambassador to Saigon, had asked me to visit Vietnam as his consultant. I toured Vietnam first for two weeks in October and November 1965, again for about ten days in July 1966, and a third time for a few days in October 1966...Lodge gave me a free hand to look into any subject of my choice". He became convinced of the meaninglessness of military victories in Vietnam, "...unless they brought about a political reality that could survive our ultimate withdrawal."[12] In a 1967 peace initiative, he would mediate between Washington and Hanoi.

Kissinger, April 29, 1975.Nixon had been elected in 1968 on the promise of achieving "peace with honor" and ending the Vietnam War. In office, and assisted by Kissinger, Nixon implemented a policy of Vietnamization that aimed to gradually withdraw US troops while expanding the combat role of the enabling South Vietnamese Army so that it would be capable of independently defending its regime against the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam, a Communist guerrilla organization, and North Vietnamese army (Vietnam People's Army or PAVN). Kissinger played a key role in a secret bombing campaign in Cambodia to disrupt PAVN and Viet Cong units launching raids into South Vietnam from within Cambodia's borders and resupplying their forces by using the Ho Chi Minh trail and other routes, as well as the 1970 Cambodian Incursion and subsequent widespread bombing of Cambodia. The bombing campaign contributed to the chaos of the Cambodian Civil War, which saw the forces of dictator Lon Nol unable to retain foreign support to combat the growing Khmer Rouge insurgency that would overthrow him in 1975. [13] [14]

Along with North Vietnamese Politburo Member Le Duc Tho, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the Paris Peace Accords on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam," signed the January previous. [11] Tho rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been really restored in South Vietnam. [15] Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility." [16][17] The conflict continued until an invasion of the South by the North Vietnamese Army resulted in a North Vietnamese victory in 1975 and the subsequent progression of the Pathet Lao in Laos towards figurehead status, and the rise of the genocidal Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. Then Kissinger returned the money portion of the Nobel Prize, the Nobel committee just as readily returning his return.

See also: Cambodian Civil War

[edit] 1971 Indo-Pakistani War
Main article: Indo-Pakistan War
Under Kissinger's guidance, the United States government supported Pakistan in the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971. Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in South Asia as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the Soviet Union, and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of China (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the Soviet Union) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.[18]

In recent years, Kissinger has come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Indo-Pakistan War in which he described then-Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi as a "bitch."[19] Kissinger has since expressed his regret over the comments.[20]

[edit] 1973 Yom Kippur War
Main article: Yom Kippur War
In 1973, Kissinger negotiated the end to the Yom Kippur War, which had begun when Egypt and Syria attacked Israel. Kissinger has published lengthy and dramatic telephone transcripts from this period in the 2002 book Crisis. Under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial opposition[citation needed], the US military conducted the largest military airlift in history. US action contributed to the 1973 oil crisis in the United States and its Western European allies, which ended in March 1974.

On October 31, 1973, Egyptian foreign minister Ismail Fahmi meets with Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, about a week after the end of fighting in the Yom Kippur War.Israel regained the territory it lost in the early fighting and gained new territories from Syria and Egypt, including land in Syria east of the previously captured Golan Heights, and additionally on the western bank of the Suez Canal, although they did lose some territory on the eastern side of the Suez Canal that had been in Israeli hands since the end of the Six Day War. Kissinger pressured the Israelis to cede some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbours, contributing to the first phases of Israeli-Egyptian non-aggression. The move saw a warming in US–Egyptian relations, bitter since the 1950s, as the country moved away from its former independent stance and into a close partnership with the United States. The peace was finalized in 1978 when US president Jimmy Carter mediated the Camp David Accords, during which Israel returned the Sinai Peninsula in exchange for an Egyptian agreement to recognize the state of Israel.

[edit] 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus
Main article: Turkish invasion of Cyprus
In 1974 the junta which then ruled Greece staged a supportive coup against the Cypriot president Archbishop Makarios III and Turkey launched an America endorsed invasion "to restore constitutional order on Cyprus," which has established Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus that was previously only recognized by itself. This suited American foreign policy as Makarios was leaning toward the Soviets and possibly communism.

In a White House memorandum of a conversation from February 20, 1975, Kissinger said: “In all the world the things that hurt us the most are the CIA business and Turkey aid.”[21] According to "The Raw Story", the context and the time period suggests Kissinger had supported illegal financial and military aid to Turkey for the 1974 Cyprus invasion. [22]

[edit] Latin American policy

Ford and Kissinger conversing on grounds of White House, August 1974The United States continued to recognize and maintain relationships with non-left-wing governments, democratic and authoritarian alike. John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was ended in 1973. In 1974, negotiations about new settlement over Panama Canal started. They eventually led to the Torrijos-Carter Treaties and handing the Canal over to Panamanian control.

Kissinger initially supported the normalization of United States-Cuba relations, broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the Organization of American States because US pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces in the liberation struggles in Angola and Mozambique, Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused.

See also: United States-Latin American relations

[edit] Intervention in Chile
Main article: United States intervention in Chile
Chilean Socialist presidential candidate Salvador Allende was elected by a majority in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics. The Nixon administration authorized the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to instigate a military coup that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful.[23] The extent of Kissinger's involvement in or support of these plans is a subject of controversy.[24] Yet it is proven fact that he was involved in what turned into the murder of a Chilean General, René Schneider, who was opposed to and stood in the way of a military coup. [25]

United States-Chile relations remained frosty during Salvador Allende's tenure; following the complete nationalization of the partially U.S.-owned copper mines and the Chilean subsidiary of the U.S.-based ITT Corporation, as well as other Chilean businesses. The U.S. implemented economic sanctions, claiming that the Chilean government had greatly undervalued fair compensation for the nationalization by subtracting what it deemed "excess profits." The CIA, directly instigated by Kissinger, provided formation and education for the military officers directly involved in the coup against Allende[26], and funding for the mass anti-government strikes in 1972 and 1973; during this period, Kissinger made several controversial statements regarding Chile's government, stating that "the issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves" and "I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go Communist due to the irresponsibility of its people." These remarks sparked outrage among many commentators, who considered them patronizing and disparaging of both Chile's sovereignty and democracy.

In September 1973, Allende committed suicide during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief Augusto Pinochet, who became President.[27] A document released by the CIA in 2000 titled "CIA Activities in Chile" revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or US military, even though many were known to be involved in notorious human rights abuses[28], until Democratic challenger Jimmy Carter, who was less tolerant of open human rights abuses, defeated President Gerald Ford in 1976.

On September 16, 1973, five days after Pinochet had assumed power, the following exchange about the coup took place between Kissinger and President Nixon:

Nixon: Nothing new of any importance or is there?
Kissinger: Nothing of very great consequence. The Chilean thing is getting consolidated and of course the newspapers are bleeding because a pro-Communist government has been overthrown.
Nixon: Isn't that something. Isn't that something.
Kissinger: I mean instead of celebrating – in the Eisenhower period we would be heroes.
Nixon: Well we didn't – as you know – our hand doesn't show on this one though.
Kissinger: We didn't do it. I mean we helped them. [garbled] created the conditions as great as possible.
Nixon: That is right. And that is the way it is going to be played.[29]

[edit] Intervention in Argentina
Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine military, led by Jorge Videla, toppled the democratic government of Isabel Perón in 1976 and consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "disappearances" against political opponents. During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister César Augusto Guzzetti, Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally, but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the U.S. Congress reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.

See also: Dirty War

[edit] Africa
In 1974 a leftist military coup overthrew the Caetano government in Portugal in the Carnation Revolution. The National Salvation Junta, the new government, quickly granted Portugal's colonies independence. Cuban troops in Angola supported the left-wing Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in its fight against right-wing UNITA and FNLA rebels during the Angolan Civil War (1975-2002). Kissinger supported FNLA, led by Holden Roberto, and UNITA, led by Jonas Savimbi, the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO) insurgencies, as well as the CIA-supported invasion of Angola by South African troops. In 1976 South African troops withdrew due to US Congressional opposition.[citation needed]

In September 1976 Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the Rhodesian Bush War. Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister John Vorster, pressured Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith to hasten the transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia. With FRELIMO in control of Mozambique and even South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs. Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate." Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of minority-rule.[citation needed]

[edit] East Timor
Main article: Indonesian occupation of East Timor
The Portuguese decolonization process brought US attention to the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, which lies within the Indonesian archipelago and declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president Suharto was a strong US ally in Southeast Asia and began to mobilize his army, preparing to annex the nascent state, which had become increasingly dominated by the popular leftist FRETILIN party. In December 1975, Suharto discussed the invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of Jakarta. Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that US relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed annexation. US arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan, meeting strong resistance from the East Timorese.[citation needed]

The Indonesian army responded with indiscriminate massacres; the 2005 report of the UN's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor reports a figure of at least 102,800 deaths during the occupation: 18,600 unlawful executions and 84,200 starvation deaths, roughly 10% of the whole population of around one million.[30] The Indonesian government's annexation of East Timor as its 27th province was not accepted by the United Nations or the majority of countries. Much later, Indonesia relinquished control of the territory and East Timor became the first new sovereign state of the twenty-first century on May 20, 2002.

[edit] Portugal
Kissinger is believed to also have wanted the US to work against the 1974 Carnation Revolution, a left-wing military coup that led to Portugal's democracy after decades of right-wing dictatorship. [3] [4]

[edit] Accusations of war crimes and legal difficulties

[edit] Columbia University Students Reject Kissinger's Appointment to Endowed Chair at the University
Shortly after Kissinger left office, he was offered an endowed chair at Columbia University (in 1977). The position came with considerable funding and would have given Kissinger his first platform for rehabilitating his then shattered reputation. When news of the proposed chair leaked out, a small group of students immediately began collecting signatures for a petition opposing his appointment.[31] The petition charged Kissinger with illegal actions in Vietnam, Cambodia, Chile, and in ordering domestic wiretaps of National Security Council staff.

The petition effort sparked wider organizing and the quickly formed "Ad Hoc Committee to Oppose Kissinger's Appointment" offered detailed substantiation of each of the charges in flyers widely distributed on campus. Kissinger's initial classes and meetings held on campus were dogged by protesters at every step.

The spectacle of the former secretary hounded and humiliated by his students was picked up in the popular comic strip Doonesbury by Trudeau. The continuing strips detailed students attempt to challenge Kissinger in the street and in the classroom.

Columnists such as Anthony Lewis of the New York Times[32] and Nat Hentoff of the Village Voice chimed in with opinions that denying Kissinger the chair would not be a violation of academic freedom and within weeks the story had become national news, breaking in Newsweek and on the front page of the Washington Post.[citation needed] Many of the news stories included a litany of the offenses Kissinger was alleged to have committed. Rather than a stepping stone toward rehabilitation, the appointment was spreading knowledge about Kissinger's actual record and rekindling student activism on the Columbia campus. After several months of pressure, the University and Kissinger mutually agreed that it was not the time to undertake such an appointment. Kissinger went to Georgetown University, where the students were less confrontational, to take a less prestigious and less permanent teaching and researching assignment.

[edit] The Trial of Henry Kissinger (book and movie)
A revival of interest in Henry Kissinger came in 2001, when journalist Christopher Hitchens wrote The Trial of Henry Kissinger, a scathing critique of Kissinger's policy that accused him of war crimes, particularly for his policy toward Vietnam, Cyprus, Cambodia, Chile and East Pakistan (present day Bangladesh). Kissinger became a focal point of criticism from the political left and certain human rights NGOs. According to the book, his foreign policy was chiefly concerned with attaining allies that had valuable geographical and strategic locations, such as Turkey and Pakistan, and turned a blind eye when these allies attacked democracies and murdered countless innocent people.

The book was later adapted into a documentary entitled The Trials of Henry Kissinger. The film focused on Kissinger's policies towards Vietnam, Cambodia, East Timor, and Chile.

[edit] Involvement in Operation Condor
Main articles: Operation Condor and United States intervention in Chile
On May 31, 2001, French judge Roger Le Loire requested a summons served on Kissinger while he was staying at the Ritz Hotel in Paris.[33] Loire wanted to question Kissinger for alleged U.S. involvement in Operation Condor—a mid-1970s campaign of kidnapping and murder coordinated among the intelligence and security services of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay—as well as the death of five French nationals under the Chilean junta.[33] Kissinger fled Paris that evening, and Loire's inquiries were directed to the U.S. State Department.

In August 2001, Argentine Judge Rodolfo Canicoba sent a letter rogatory to the U.S. State Department, in accordance with the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), requesting a deposition by Kissinger to aid the judge's investigation of Operation Condor.[34]

On September 10, 2001, a civil suit was filed in a Washington, DC, federal court by the family of Gen. René Schneider, former Commander-in-Chief of the Chilean Army, asserting that Kissinger gave the order for the elimination of Schneider because he had refused to endorse plans for a military coup.[33][35][36] Schneider was killed by coup-plotters loyal to General Roberto Viaux in a botched kidnapping attempt,[36] As a part of the suit, Schneider’s two sons are attempting to sue Kissinger and then-CIA director Richard Helms for US$3 million.[36]

On September 11, 2001, the 28th commemorations of the Pinochet coup, Chilean human rights lawyers filed a criminal case against Kissinger along with Augusto Pinochet, former Bolivian general and president Hugo Banzer, former Argentine general and dictator Jorge Rafael Videla, and former Paraguayan president Alfredo Stroessner for alleged involvement in Operation Condor.[37] The case was brought on behalf of some fifteen victims of Operation Condor, ten of whom were Chilean.

In late 2001, the Brazilian government cancelled an invitation for Kissinger to speak in São Paulo because it could no longer guarantee his immunity from judicial action.[33][35]

Kenneth Maxwell's review, in Foreign Affairs November/December 2003, of Peter Kornbluh's book The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability, discussed Kissinger's relationship with Augusto Pinochet's regime, in particular concerning operation Condor and Orlando Letelier's assassination, in Washington, DC, in 1976.

A 1978 cable released in 2000 shows that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "[kept] in touch with one another through a U.S. communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone which [covered] all of Latin America". Robert E. White, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, was concerned that the U.S. connection to Condor might be revealed during the then ongoing investigation into the 1976 assassination of Letelier.[38] Kornbluh and Maxwell both draw the conclusion, from this and other materials, that the U.S. State Department, on Kissinger's watch, had foreknowledge of the assassination.[citation needed]

[edit] Asia
In 2002, during a brief visit to the UK, a petition for Kissinger's arrest was filed in the High Court in London based on Indochinese civilian casualties and environmental damage resulting from U.S. bombing campaigns in North Vietnam and Cambodia in the period between 1969 and 1975.[33]

Transcripts obtained by the National Security Archive show Kissinger receiving his orders from President Nixon:

PRESIDENT: The second thing is as I have put on here now I want [sic] you to get a hold of [Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Thomas H.] Moorer tonight and I want a plan where every goddamn thing that can fly goes into Cambodia and hits every target that is open.
PRESIDENT: That's to be done tomorrow. Tomorrow. Is that clear?
KISSINGER: That is right
PRESIDENT: I want this done. ... I want them to hit everything. I want them to use the big planes, the small planes, everything they can that will help out here and let's start giving them a little shock ... let me tell you on this business on Cambodia - I want something done tonight, I don't want any screwing around...[39]
A few minutes later, Kissinger transmits Nixon's orders to military assistant Alexander Haig:

KISSINGER: Two, [Nixon] wants a massive bombing campaign in Cambodia. He doesn't want to hear anything. It's an order, it's to be done. Anything that flies or anything that moves. You got that?
HAIG: ...sounded like Haig laughing...[40]
Simultaneously, Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón, who had engaged in a failed attempt to get Pinochet extradited from the United Kingdom for questioning, requested that Interpol detain Kissinger for questioning.[33] British authorities refused his request.

East Timor Action Network (ETAN) activists have repeatedly sought to question Kissinger during his book tours for his role in the Ford administration in supporting Suharto and the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975. Transcripts of Ford and Kissinger's endorsement of the invasion are available on the National Security Archive.[41]

[edit] Public perception
Kissinger, like the rest of the Nixon administration, was unpopular with the anti-war political left, extremely so after the congressionally-unauthorized US bombing of Cambodia was revealed. However, few doubted his intellect and diplomatic skill, and he became one of the better-liked members of the Nixon administration, though many Americans came to view Kissinger's talents as increasingly cynical and self-serving. Kissinger was not connected with the Watergate scandal that would eventually ruin Nixon and many of his closest aides, and this greatly improved Kissinger's reputation as he became known as the "clean man" of the bunch.

At the height of Kissinger's prominence, he was even regarded as something of a sex symbol due to his prominent dating life.[42] He was quoted as saying "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac".[43]

In 1992 Jornal do Brasil published an unflattering photo of Henry Kissinger on the front page. Kissinger's lawyer sent a cease and desist letter threatening to sue them if they sold the photo. The newspaper refused and one of the buyers was the advertising agency Woolward & Partners who were also threatened with legal action, after using it in an advertisement for computer equipment. The photo was featured in the 1996 book Washington Babylon by Alexander Cockburn and Ken Silverstein.[44]

The musical satirist Tom Lehrer says that "political satire became obsolete when Henry Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Prize."[45]

Monty Python satirized Kissinger in the Henry Kissinger Song.

Kissinger appears in the Simpsons episode $pringfield (Or, How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Legalized Gambling).

In a 1999 radio interview with BBC news presenter Jeremy Paxman, ostensibly to promote the latest volume of his memoirs, Dr. Kissinger reportedly walked out after being asked some tough questions about the U.S. role in the bombing of Cambodia.[46] However, BBC sources claim he was late for another appointment and merely had to leave early.

Kissinger has also been parodied in the show Futurama several times.

[edit] Later roles

[edit] Business interests and public service

Kissinger meeting with President Ronald Reagan in the White House family quarters, 1981In 1977, Kissinger was appointed to Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.[47] Kissinger published a dialogue with the Japanese philosopher, Daisaku Ikeda, On Peace, Life and Philosophy. He taught at Georgetown's Edmund Walsh School of Foreign Service for several years in the late 1970s.

In 1982, Kissinger founded a consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, and is a partner in affiliate Kissinger McLarty Associates with Mack McLarty, former chief of staff to President Bill Clinton.[48] He also serves on board of directors of Hollinger International, a Chicago-based newspaper group,[49] and as of March 1999, he also serves on board of directors of Gulfstream Aerospace.[50]

From 1995 to 2001, he served on the board of directors for Freeport-McMoRan, a multinational copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in Papua, Indonesia.[51] In February 2000, then-president of Indonesia Abdurrahman Wahid appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also serves as an honorary advisor to the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce.

Kissinger at the World Economic Forum's 'India Economic Summit', November, 2008, New Delhi.Kissinger served for many years as a director of Hollinger International, the chief executive officer of which was disgraced media tycoon Conrad Black. Hollinger's board is widely viewed to have not exercised sufficient oversight, enabling Black and other senior executives to defraud the company.[52]

In 1998, Kissinger became an honorary citizen of Fürth, Germany, his hometown. He has been a life-long supporter of the Spielvereinigung Fürth football club and is now an honorary member.

He served as Chancellor of the College of William and Mary from February 10, 2001 to the Summer of 2005.

In April 2006, Kissinger received the prestigious Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service from the Woodrow Wilson Center of the Smithsonian Institution.

In June 2007, Kissinger received the Hopkins-Nanjing Award for his contributions to reestablishing Sino–American relations. This award was presented by the presidents of Nanjing University, Chen Jun, and of Johns Hopkins University, William Brody, during the 20th anniversary celebration of The Johns Hopkins University--Nanjing University Center for Chinese and American Studies also known as the Hopkins-Nanjing Center.

Kissinger has been linked to the team responsible for putting together a bid to bring the FIFA World Cup to the USA in either 2018 or 2022.

[edit] Role in U.S. foreign policy
Kissinger left office when a Democrat, former Governor of Georgia and "Washington outsider" Jimmy Carter, defeated Republican, Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections. During the campaign, Carter criticized Kissinger, arguing he was "single-handedly" managing all of the US' foreign relations. Through the 1980s and early 1990s, Kissinger's role in US government and policy was minimized, as the neoconservatives who rose to prominence in the Republican Party under the Reagan administration began to consider Nixonian détente to be a policy of unwise accommodation with the Soviet Union. Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the Trilateral Commission, and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements.

In 2002, President George W. Bush appointed Kissinger to chair a committee to investigate the terrorist attacks of September 11 attacks. Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002 rather than reveal his client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest.

[edit] Kissinger and Iraq

Kissinger speaking during Gerald Ford's funeral, January 2007.In 2006, it was reported in the book State of Denial by Bob Woodward that Kissinger was meeting regularly with President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney to offer advice on the Iraq War.[53] Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward[54] that the advice was the same as he had given in an August 12, 2005 column in The Washington Post: "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy."[55]

In a November 19, 2006 BBC Sunday AM interview, when asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq, Kissinger said, "If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi Government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible... I think we have to redefine the course. But I don't believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously, or total withdrawal."[56]

After Apologising for his use of word 'Bitch' in reference to Mrs. Indira Gandhi, Kissinger met India's main Opposition Leader Lal Krishna Advani in early October 2007 and lobbied for the support of his Bharatiya Janata Party for the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement.

Kissinger was present at the opening ceremony of the controversial Beijing Summer Olympics. He was also in the Chinese capital to attend the inauguaration of the new US Embassy complex.

[edit] Kissinger and Iran
Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.-Iran talks was reported by The Tehran Times to be that "Any direct talks between the U.S. and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet." [57]

[edit] Private organizations closely related to Kissinger
Kissinger is known to be member of the following globalist groups:

Bilderberg Group
Committee of 300
Trilateral Commission
Council on Foreign Relations
Aspen Institute

[edit] Quotes
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Henry Kissinger
(Soldiers are) dumb, stupid animals to be used as pawns for foreign policy.[58]
Most foreign policies that history has marked highly, in whatever country, have been originated by leaders who were opposed by experts.[59]
The illegal we do immediately. The unconstitutional takes a little longer.[60]
I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go communist because of the irresponsibility of its own people. The issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves.[61]
Even a paranoid has some real enemies.[62]
I watched myself on German television, so that I could finally speak without an accent. And I heard myself speaking with a Swedish accent!
Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.[60]
Nobody will ever win the battle of the sexes. There’s too much fraternizing with the enemy.

[edit] Footnotes
^ [1]Remarks by National Security Adviser Jones at 45th Munich Conference on Security Policy CFR Published February 8, 2009 Retrieved on 2009-03-23.
^ "Die Kissingers in Bad Kissingen" (in german). Bayerischer Rundfunk. June 2, 2005. http://www.br-online.de/land-und-leute/artikel/0506/02-kissinger/index.xml?theme=print. Retrieved on 2007-02-03.
^ "Bygone Days: Complex Jew. Inside Kissinger's soul". Jerusalem Post. http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1198517217372&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull. Retrieved on 2008-09-04.
^ "Henry Kissinger at Large, Part One". PBS. January 29, 2004. http://www.pbs.org/thinktank/transcript1138.html.
^ Draper, Theodore (September 6, 1992). "Little Heinz And Big Henry". New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/books/98/12/06/specials/isaacson-kissinger.html?_r=1&oref=slogin. Retrieved on 2006-12-30.
^ a b c d "Henry Kissinger - Biography". nobelprize.org. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1973/kissinger-bio.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-30.
^ Kissinger, Henry (1957). Nuclear weapons and foreign policy. Harper & Brothers. pp. 455.
^ "Der berühmteste Fan". SpVgg Greuther Fürth. http://www.greuther-fuerth.de/v3/verein/ehrenmitglied.php. Retrieved on 2006-11-20.
^ http://www.usatoday.com/sports/basketball/2008-02-12-globetrotters_N.htm
^ "History of the National Security Council, 1947-1997". whitehouse.gov. http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/history.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-30.
^ a b "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973". Nobel Foundation. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1973/press.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-31.
^ _White House Years_, p. 231-2. By Henry A. Kissinger. Boston: Little, Brown & co., 1979.
^ http://books.google.ie/books?id=5Ef8Hrx8Cd0C&pg=PA349&dq=US+bombing+cambodia+civil+war+result
^ http://books.google.ie/books?id=ZWqNwsv6AIQC&pg=PA93&dq=US+bombing+cambodia+civil+war+result
^ Le Duc Tho to Henry Kissinger, Oct. 27, 1973.
^ "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973: Presentation Speech by Mrs. Aase Lionaes, Chairman of the Nobel Committee of the Norwegian Storting". The Official Web Site of the Nobel Foundation. 1973-12-10. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1973/press.html. Retrieved on 2007-04-28. "'In his letter of November 2 to the Nobel Committee Henry Kissinger expresses his deep sense of this obligation. In the letter he writes among other things: "I am deeply moved by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, which I regard as the highest honor one could hope to achieve in the pursuit of peace on this earth. When I consider the list of those who have been so honored before me, I can only accept this award with humility." … This year Henry Kissinger was appointed Secretary-of-State in the United States. In his letter to the Committee he writes as follows: "I greatly regret that because of the press of business in a world beset by recurrent crisis I shall be unable to come to Oslo on December 10 for the award ceremony. I have accordingly designated Ambassador Byrne to represent me on that occasion.""
^ Lundestad, Geir (March 15, 2001). "The Nobel Peace Prize 1901-2000". Nobel Foundation. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/articles/lundestad-review/index.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-31.
^ "The Tilt: The U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971". National Security Archive. December 16, 2002. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB79/. Retrieved on 2006-12-30.
^ "150. Conversation Among President Nixon, the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), and the President’s Chief of Staff (Haldeman), Washington, November 5, 1971, 8:15–9:00 a.m.". Foreign Relations, 1969–1976 (U.S. Department of State) E-7 (19). 2005. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e7/48529.htm. Retrieved on December 30, 2006.
^ "Kissinger regrets India comments". BBC. July 1, 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4640773.stm. Retrieved on 2006-12-15.
^ "White House memorandum" (PDF). http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB222/family_jewels_wh3.pdf.
^ "Intelligence officers confirm Kissinger role in Turkish invasion -Larisa Alexandrovna and Muriel Kane- Wednesday June 27, 2007". http://rawstory.com/news/2007/Intelligence_officials_confirm_Kissinger_role_in_0626.html.
^ "Church Report". U.S. Department of State. December 18, 1975. http://foia.state.gov/Reports/ChurchReport.asp. Retrieved on 2006-11-20.
^ Alleged Assassination Plots Involving Foreign Leaders (1975), Church Committee, pages 246–247 and 250–254.
^ Christopher Hitchens.The Trial of Henry Kissinger. Verso Books, London, New York. 2001
^ see The Pinochet File. [2]
^ Pike, John. "Allende's Leftist Regime". Federation of American Scientists. http://www.fas.org/irp/world/chile/allende.htm. Retrieved on 2006-11-20.
^ Peter Kornbluh, CIA Acknowledges Ties to Pinochet’s Repression Report to Congress Reveals U.S. Accountability in Chile, Chile Documentation Project, National Security Archive, September 19, 2000. Accessed online November 26, 2006.
^ The Kissinger Telcons: Kissinger Telcons on Chile, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 123, edited by Peter Kornbluh, posted May 26, 2004. This particular dialogue can be found at TELCON: September 16, 1973, 11:50 a.m. Kissinger Talking to Nixon. Accessed online November 26, 2006.
^ Comissão de Acolhimento, Verdade e Reconciliação de Timor Leste (CAVR). Chega! The Report of the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation. Dili, East Timor: 2005. Online at East Timor & Indonesia Action Network. Retrieved on 11 February 2008.
^ "400 sign petition against offering Kissinger faculty post". Columbia Spectator. 1977-03-03.
^ "Anthony Lewis of the Times also blasts former Scretary". Columbia Spectator. 1977-03-03.
^ a b c d e f Why the law wants a word with Kissinger, Fairfax Digital, April 30, 2002 (English)
^ "Argentina". Human Rights Watch World Report 2002. Human Rights Watch. http://hrw.org/wr2k2/americas1.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-30.
^ a b Hitchens, Bill (November 27, 2002). "The latest Kissinger outrage". Slate. http://www.slate.com/?id=2074678. Retrieved on 2006-12-30.
^ a b c Miller, Christopher (September 11, 2001). "Family of Slain Chilean Sues Kissinger, Helms; Military Leader Was Killed in Kidnap Attempt Linked to Nixon Administration". The Washington Post. p. A.22. http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/washingtonpost/access/80188807.html?dids=80188807:80188807&FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&fmac=&date=Sep+11%2C+2001&author=Bill+Miller&desc=Family+of+Slain+Chilean+Sues+Kissinger%2C+Helms. Retrieved on 2006-12-30. Republished on the site "Freedom of Information Center, University of Missouri". http://foi.missouri.edu/icc/familyslain.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-30.
^ "Word". The Washington Post. September 12, 2001. p. A.27. http://pqasb.pqarchiver.com/washingtonpost/access/80389584.html?dids=80389584:80389584&FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&fmac=&date=Sep+12%2C+2001&author=&desc=WORLD. Retrieved on 2006-12-14.
^ "Operation Condor: Cable Suggests U.S. Role". National Security Archive. March 6, 2001. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/news/20010306/. Retrieved on 2007-01-05.
^ http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB123/Box%2029,%20File%202,%20Kissinger%20%96%20President%20Dec%209,%201970%208,45%20pm%20%200.pdf
^ http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB123/Box%2029,%20File%202,%20Kissinger%20%96%20Haig,%20Dec%209,%201970%208,50%20pm%20106-10.pdf
^ Burr, William; Evans, Michael L. (eds.) (December 6, 2001). "East Timor Revisited". National Security Archive. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB62/. Retrieved on 2007-01-05.
^ "Henry Kissinger Off Duty." TIME, 7 February 1972.
^ "Henry A. Kissinger Quotes". Brainy Quote. http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/quotes/h/henryakis101648.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-29.
^ "The Memory Hole: The Photos Kissinger Doesn't Want You to See". http://www.thememoryhole.org/pol/kissinger-nose.htm.
^ "Tom Lehrer interviewed by Stephen Thompson". http://www.avclub.com/content/node/22863. Retrieved on 2007-08-24.
^ "Kissinger walks out of Paxman programme". June 29, 1999. http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,,293139,00.html. Retrieved on 2007-08-24.
^ "CSIS". CSIS. 2007. http://www.csis.org/about/history/#1960. Retrieved on 2007-01-20.
^ "Council of the Americas Member". Council of the Americas. http://www.americas-society.org/coa/membersnetwork/Kissinger.html. Retrieved on 2007-01-05.
^ "Sun-Times Media Group Inc · 10-K/A". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. May 1, 2006. http://www.secinfo.com/$/SEC/Filing.asp?T=svrh.vs8_ffv. Retrieved on 2006-12-29.
^ "Gulfstream Aerospace Corp, Form 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 29, 1999. http://www.secinfo.com/dRaBu.64v.htm#1bum. Retrieved on 2006-12-29.
^ "Freeport McMoran Inc · 10-K". United States Securities and Exchange Commission. March 31, 1994. http://www.secinfo.com/dsVQx.b1sw.htm#1nhw. Retrieved on 2006-12-29.
^ U.S. SEC - Report of Investigation by the Special Committee of the Board of Directors of Hollinger International Inc. (Breeden Report), Richard C. Breeden & Co., August 2004; page 33.
^ "Bob Woodward: Bush Misleads On Iraq". CBS News. October 1, 2006. http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2006/09/28/60minutes/printable2047607.shtml. Retrieved on 2006-12-29.
^ Woodward, Bob (October 1, 2006). "Secret Reports Dispute White House Optimism". The Washington Post. pp. A01. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/30/AR2006093000293_pf.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-29.
^ Kissinger, Henry A.. "Lessons for an Exit Strategy". The Washington Post. pp. A19. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/08/11/AR2005081101756_pf.html. Retrieved on 2006-12-29.
^ Marr, Andrew (November 19, 2006). "US Policy on Iraq". BBC. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/sunday_am/6163050.stm. Retrieved on 2006-12-29. (Transcript of a BBC Sunday AM interview.)
^ "Kissinger backs direct U.S. negotiations with Iran". The Tehran Times. September 27, 2008. http://www.tehrantimes.com/index_View.asp?code=165193. Retrieved on 2008-09-27. (Transcript of a Bloomberg report interview.)
^ Woodward and Bernstein, The Final Days, chapter 14
^ Somebody Always Knows Best Walter Goodman, New York Times, 1991-02-10 (quoting THE IDEA BROKERS by James Allen Smith)
^ a b Jones, Dupre (October 28, 1973). "The sayings of Secretary Henry". The New York Times Magazine. pp. 91-96. http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F00D15FE3F5D127A93CAAB178BD95F478785F9. Retrieved on 2009-03-31.
^ Michael Kinsley. "The problem with Bush's pursuit of democracy". Slate.com. http://www.slate.com/id/2137276/. Retrieved on 2008-09-04.
^ "Attribution: Newsweek 13 Jun 83, cited by Simpson’s Contemporary Quotations, compiled by James B. Simpson,1988 at bartelby.com". http://www.bartleby.com/63/38/4638.html. Retrieved on 2008-07-16.

[edit] Further reading
Foreign policy
Taiwan Expendable? Nixon and Kissinger Go to China by Nancy Bernkopf Tucker (2005) ISSN 0021-8723
Rescuing the World: The Life and Times of Leo Cherne by Andrew F. Smith, Henry A. Kissinger (2002) ISBN 0791453790
Does America Need a Foreign Policy?: Toward a Diplomacy for the 21st Century (2001) ISBN 0684855674
Diplomacy (1994) ISBN 067165991X
On Men and Power: A Political Memoir by Helmut Schmidt, Henry Kissinger (1990) ISBN 0-224-02715-8
Observations: Selected Speeches and Essays 1982-1984 (1985) ISBN 0-316-49664-2
The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, by Seymour Hersh, 1983, Summit Books, ISBN 0671506889.
For the Record: Selected Statements 1977-1980 (1981) ISBN 0-316-49663-4
Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, by Roger Morris (American writer).
A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace, 1812-22 (1973) ISBN 0-395-17229-2
American Foreign Policy: Three essays, (1969) ISBN 0-297-17933-0
The Troubled Partnership: A Re-Appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance (1965) ISBN 0-07-034895-2
The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American Foreign Policy (1961) ISBN 0-06-012410-5
Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1957) (ISBN 0-865-31745-3 (1984 edition))
Crisis: The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises: Based on the Record of Henry Kissinger's Hitherto Secret Telephone Conversations (2003) ISBN 0-7432-4910-0
Vietnam: A Personal History of America's Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War (2002) ISBN 0-7432-1916-3
Years of Renewal (1999) ISBN 0-684-85571-2
Years of Upheaval (1982) ISBN 0-316-28591-9
The White House Years (1979) ISBN 0-316-49661-8
Kissinger: A Biography, by Walter Isaacson, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992, (updated, 2005), ISBN 0-671-66323-2
The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, by Jussi M. Hanhimaki (2004) ISBN 0-19-517221-3
The Nixon-Kissinger Years: Reshaping of America's Foreign Policy, by Richard C. Thornton (1989) ISBN 0-88702-051-8
The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, by Seymour Hersh (1983) ISBN 0-671-44760-2
Kissinger, by Marvin L. Kalb, Bernard Kalb (1974) ISBN 0-316-48221-8
Kissinger on the Couch, by Phyllis Schlafly (1974) ISBN 0-87000-216-3
Kissinger: Portrait of a Mind, by Stephen Richards Graubard (1973) ISBN 0-393-05481-0
The Trial of Henry Kissinger, by Christopher Hitchens (2002) ISBN 1-85984-631-9
Die Kissinger-Saga, by Evi Kurz (2007) ISBN 973-3-940405-70-8
The Kissinger-Saga - Walter and Henry Kissinger. Two Brothers from Fuerth, Germany. By Evi Kurz. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. The Orion Publishing Group, London 2009, ISBN 978-0-297-85675-7.
Larry Berman: No peace, no honor. Nixon, Kissinger, and Betrayal in Vietnam New York, NY u.a.: Free Press 2001. ISBN 0-684-84968-2.
Jussi M. Hanhimäki, 'Dr. Kissinger' or 'Mr. Henry'? Kissingerology, Thirty Years and Counting, in: Diplomatic History Vol. 27, Issue 5, pp. 637–76.
Holger Klitzing: The Nemesis of Stability. Henry A. Kissinger's Ambivalent Relationship with Germany. Trier: WVT 2007, ISBN 3-88476-942-3.
Robert D. Schulzinger: Henry Kissinger. Doctor of diplomacy. New York: Columbia Univ. Pr. 1989, ISBN 0-231-06952-9.
Amedeo Benedetti, Lezioni di politica di Henry Kissinger. Linguaggio, pensiero ed aforismi del più abile politico di fine Novecento, Genova, Erga, 2005, ISBN 88-8163-391-4
Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret Talks With Beijing and Moscow by Henry Kissinger, William Burr (1999) ISBN 1-56584-480-7
Sideshow: Kissinger, Nixon, and the Destruction of Cambodia by William Shawcross, (Revised edition October 25, 2002) ISBN 0-8154-1224-X
Dallek, Robert (2007). Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power. HarperCollins. ISBN 0060722304.

[edit] External links
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Henry Kissinger
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Henry Kissinger
Official Website of Henry A. Kissinger
Linkage and Arms Control. Interview conducted on November 26, 1986 for the War and Peace in the Nuclear Age series.
Henry Kissinger speaks at the Asia Society, NYC, February, 2007
Kissinger's political donations*NPR: Kissinger Speech at National Press Club. Towards the end [55:55], he responds to Hitchens.
Transcript: Charlie Rose interviews Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger and Brent Scowcroft (International Herald Tribune) June 18, 2007.
The BCCI Affair A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, by Senator John Kerry and Senator Hank Brown, December 1992 102d Congress 2d Session Senate Print 102-140.
Kissinger Associates, BNL, and Iraq Henry B. Gonzalez speech in Congress, May 2, 1991.
The National Security Archive: The Kissinger Telcons
The National Security Archive:The U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971
Kissinger's political donations
Marcus Gee. "Is Henry Kissinger a War Criminal?", Globe and Mail (Toronto, Canada), June 11, 2002.
The Kissinger Saga. Henry and Walter: Two Brothers from Fuerth/Germany. Documentary, 90 min. (unabridged version), first time aired: Bayerischer Rundfunk (Bavarian Broadcasting Network), January 21, 2007. Summary
Henry Kissinger at the Internet Movie Database
Producer of 'The Kissinger-Saga, Walter and Henry Kissinger - Two Brothers from Fuerth/Germany'
Award for Excellence in Diplomacy - Annenberg Foundation
"The Jewish key to Henry Kissinger": an article in the TLS by Niall Ferguson, May 28, 2008
Kissinger: The Inside-Outsider by Jeremi Suri, Azure, Summer 2008.
"Charlie Rose" A conversation with Henry Kissinger, December 16, 2008
Legal offices
Preceded by
Walt Rostow United States National Security Advisor
1969-1974 Succeeded by
Brent Scowcroft
Political offices
Preceded by
William P. Rogers United States Secretary of State
Served Under: Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford
1973-1977 Succeeded by
Cyrus Vance
Academic offices
Preceded by
Margaret Thatcher Chancellor of The College of William & Mary
2000–2005 Succeeded by
Sandra Day O'Connor

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Complete roster · 1927–1950 · 1951–1975 · 1976–2000 · 2001–present

NAME Kissinger, Henry
SHORT DESCRIPTION United States Secretaries of State, National Security Advisor
DATE OF BIRTH 27 May 1923 (1923-05-27) (age 85)
PLACE OF BIRTH Fürth, Franconia, Bavaria

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McNamara's book
Commonweal , May 5, 1995

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Repentance--whether of an individual or a people--is essentially and initially a unilateral act. It requires the shattering of a self-imposed silence, a turning back, a necessary confession. But even then, it is a reply to a deeper, more silent, moving voice. Repentance follows only after an individual--or a nation--recognizes that a deep self-contradiction lies within its being. When that recognition has risen to the power of speech, then and only then is reconciliation possible.
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In 1967, Vietnamese monk and poet Nhat Hanh wrote, When can I break my long silence? When can I speak the unuttered words that are choking me? In 1995, Robert S. McNamara has finally spoken the unuttered words of his heart. His book may not be a perfect act of contrition, but it is a courageous act. It is a gift to his country: A nation still at war with itself, still in need of clarifying its vision, promise, and role.
COPYRIGHT 1995 Commonweal Foundation
COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning

Bibliography for: "McNamara's book"

"McNamara's book". Commonweal. FindArticles.com. 31 Mar, 2009. http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1252/is_n9_v122/ai_16932898/

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View more issues:
Articles in May 5, 1995 issue of Commonweal

* McNamara's book
* In Retrospect: The Tragedies and Lessons of Vietnam
* The Devil in the New World: The Impact of Diabolism in New Spain
by Carl L. Bankston, III
* We, the Jury: The Jury System and the Ideal of Democracy
by Winnifred Fallers Sullivan
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* The Formation of Hell: Death and Retribution in the Ancient and Early Christian Worlds
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* The Jury: Trial and Error in the American Courtroom
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* FDR: his pervasive presence
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* The miracle man: FDR & the saving of a nation
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* Christianity isn't 'spiritual': what 'resurrection' means
by John Garvey
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McNamara's book
Commonweal , May 5, 1995

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Robert S. McNamara's repentant In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (Times Books), has exposed a national wound that has not healed, and could not, until he or someone of his rank and level of accountability spoke. Like "McNamara's War" (in which more than 3 million Vietnamese and 58,000 Americans died), McNamara's book has touched something deep and raw in the American psyche. Interviews, editorials, letters to the editor, TV debates have come even before people have read the book itself. On one side, some supporters of America's longest war have reacted in fury to the McNamara bombshell: veterans' and POW groups, South Vietnamese expatriates, bereaved families. On the other side, some opponents of the war have gloated over McNamara's confession. The New York Times--which disciplined some of its own correspondents for reporting the truth about Vietnam too early--was harshly and unsparingly critical of McNamara for his decades of silence. On all sides, people are still fighting to "win" the war.
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If there is one lesson this reaction to In Retrospect teaches, it is that the divisions of the Vietnam War will never fully die, for even when the nation finally takes responsibility for its mistakes to the degree McNamara has, the echoes of the war will touch our politics and our national consciousness. But President Bill Clinton got it right in his assessment of the McNamara memoir: "I do not believe that the book should be used as yet another opportunity to divide the United States....We should learn from what happened, resolve not to repeat our mistakes, honor the service of Americans, and go forward together."

To reread the official memoranda and documentation (see, for example, Vietnam: A History in Documents, 1981) issued by then-Secretary of Defense McNamara is to see McNamara's fabled quantitative intellect at work during the war years. But to read them in light of In Retrospect is to witness a Janus-like spectacle. The crisply written communiques McNamara sent Presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson on the prospects and progress of the conflict--recommending higher troop assignments than even Johnson was willing to order at the time--send a shudder when read in the light of McNamara's reconsiderations. These contradictory perspectives show why the man and the nation were pulled apart; but they help us understand McNamara's remorse, his overwhelming "sense of grief and failure."

We have here an epic struggle of a bright and focused intelligence at war not only with the limits of knowledge but with the intricacies of the heart and the demands of the moral world. It is a personal tracing of the fault lines that lie between matters of state, loyalty to one's leaders, and the requirements of personal integrity. These are questions rarely addressed "in open view" by public officials, and only in the quietest hours of the night by most of us. They are proposed even less often to nations or states by their leaders.

McNamara, ever the public man, writes that he is confessing past failures now because they have contributed to a deep cynicism among Americans about their government. He thinks that cynicism is destructive, and he is right. But it is not entirely misplaced. Witness the Nixon-Kissinger bombing of Cambodia; Watergate; the contra war; Lee Atwater's use of the race wedge; countless ethical investigations of congressmen, senators, cabinet members, and even presidents and Supreme Court nominees. A skeptical vigilance is the price we must pay for democracy.

McNamara's memoir is flawed. Does he still believe, for example, that his and the nation's errors were "Not of values and intentions but [only] of judgment and capabilities"? Or that Kennedy, had he lived, would have altered the course of the war? Nevertheless, he has managed to raise again, almost single-handedly, the questions that still haunt us: What was it that was so rotten about that undeclared war? What did it do to us? How did we slip into the morass, at first supporting and then undercutting dictators of our own making in the South, and all the time disdaining the people of what Johnson called "that damn little piss-ant country"? Why does it divide us still?

Here, McNamara's book has much to offer. Our policy was "wrong, terribly wrong," he writes. It was predicated on faulty assumptions about a country we barely knew and about the possibilities of unlimited American power. It was justified by larger, geopolitical policy assumptions--ones we still hail as having led to the end of the cold war. But Vietnam was largely a nationalist war. That is its importance for the post coldwar world. For the choices that face us today are mostly about how a superpower democracy reacts to the threat of instability or the temptation to impress its will on the longings of others for self-determination. When and how can we act more effectively? Should we strive to be an honest facilitator or a self-appointed judge of the nations? McNamara wisely warns in an interview with Newsweek's Jonathan Alter (April 17): "Don't misjudge the nature of conflict. Don't underestimate the power of nationalism. Many conflicts of the future will be about nationalism. Don't overestimate what outside military forces can accomplish--they can't reconstruct a 'failed' state. And don't act unilaterally unless the security of our country is directly threatened."

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Monday, March 30, 2009


Hoàng Văn Hoan

Hoàng Văn Hoan (1905–1991) là một chính trị gia của Việt Nam, nguyên Ủy viên Bộ Chính trị Ban Chấp hành Trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam, Phó chủ tịch Quốc hội Việt Nam.

Mục lục [ẩn]
1 Tiểu sử
2 Chú thích
3 Xem thêm
4 Liên kết ngoài

[sửa] Tiểu sử
Ông sinh trong một gia đình nhà nho nghèo ở làng Quỳnh Đôi, huyện Quỳnh Lưu, tỉnh Nghệ An. Ông học tiểu học tại quê nhà, sau đó tham gia hoạt động cách mạng [1] lúc 19 tuổi.
Năm 1926, ông dự lớp huấn luyện chính trị do Hồ Chí Minh chủ trì tại Quảng Châu.
Năm 1928, ông hoạt động cách mạng [2] ở Thái Lan, gia nhập Đảng Cộng sản Xiêm (1930) và năm 1934 được cử làm Ủy viên Trung ương lâm thời của Đảng Cộng sản Xiêm (gọi tắt là Xiêm ủy).
Năm 1936, tham gia lập Việt Nam Độc lập Đồng minh Hội (bấy giờ gọi tắt là Đồng Minh Hội) ở Nam Kinh.
Năm 1941, ông được phái đi Long Châu lập Biện sự xứ của Đồng Minh Hội ở Long Châu, rồi lại về Tịnh Tây, cùng Phạm Văn Đồng, Võ Nguyên Giáp, Lê Thiết Hùng, Cao Hồng Lĩnh và một số người trong nước ra công khai hoạt động với danh nghĩa Việt Minh, mới được thành lập trong nước.
Tháng 5 năm 1941 về Pác Bó tham gia Hội nghị Trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Đông Dương lần thứ tám và được chỉ định làm Ủy viên Tổng bộ Việt Minh.
Đầu năm 1945, tại hội nghị toàn quốc của Đảng ở Tân Trào (Tuyên Quang), ông được bầu làm Ủy viên Ban Chấp hành Trung ương Đảng và Bí thư Khu giải phóng Việt Bắc. Sau Cách mạng Tháng Tám, ông làm thứ trưởng Bộ Quốc phòng kiêm Chính trị viên Vệ quốc quân toàn quốc.
Năm 1946, được cử làm Bí thư Khu ủy, Đại biểu Chính phủ Trung ương và Chủ nhiệm Việt Minh tại Liên khu 4. Theo Sắc lệnh SL53 ngày 24 tháng 4 năm 1946, ông thay Hoàng Đạo Thúy làm Cục trưởng Cục Chính trị cho tới cuối năm đó.
Từ năm 1950 đến năm 1957 làm Đại sứ đầu tiên của Việt Nam tại Trung Quốc kiêm Đại sứ tại Triều Tiên và Mông Cổ.
Năm 1951 ông được bầu làm Ủy viên Ban Chấp hành Trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam và từ năm 1956 đến năm 1976 là Ủy viên Bộ chính trị Ban Chấp hành Trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam.
Tại kỳ họp thứ tám Quốc hội khóa I (1958) được bầu làm Phó chủ tịch kiêm Tổng thư ký Ủy ban Thường vụ Quốc hội, đồng thời làm Chủ nhiệm Ủy ban dự thảo Pháp luật Quốc hội. Ông làm Phó Chủ tịch Ủy ban thường vụ Quốc hội cho đến năm 1979.
Năm 1961, ông làm Bí thư Thành ủy Hà Nội một thời gian ngắn, rồi giữ chức Trưởng Ban liên lạc đối ngoại Trung ương Đảng, Trưởng Ban pháp chế Trung ương Đảng, đồng thời phụ trách chỉ đạo Ban CP 38 về công tác Lào, Miên..
Năm 1976, ông không được bầu vào Bộ Chính trị. Có người cho rằng việc này là do phe cánh của Lê Duẩn và Lê Đức Thọ không ưa ông [cần dẫn nguồn]. Theo một số nguồn tin khác [cần dẫn nguồn], ngay từ đầu những năm 1970, tuy là ủy viên bộ Chính trị được bầu tại Đại hội Đảng, nhưng ông không được tham dự nhiều cuộc họp quan trọng của Bộ Chính trị (theo đúng quy chế làm việc của Bộ Chính trị, trước mỗi cuộc họp của Bộ Chính trị, những người được coi là đủ tư cách tham gia sẽ được nhận giấy mời tham dự cuộc họp; như vậy, những ai không nhận được giấy mời thì trên thực tế đã bị gạt ra ngoài cuộc họp, qua đó mất luôn cả quyền phát biểu cũng như tham gia quyết định công việc của Bộ Chính trị).
Năm 1979, trong một chuyến đi sang Đông Đức chữa bệnh, ông đã bỏ trốn tại sân bay Karachi (Pakistan) ngày 11 tháng 6 năm 1979 rồi sang Trung Quốc. Tại Bắc Kinh, ông tố cáo chính quyền Việt Nam đã đối xử với người Việt gốc Hoa còn "tệ hơn cả cách Hitler đối xử với người Do Thái" [3]. Sau sự kiện bỏ trốn, ông bị Việt Nam kết án tử hình vắng mặt và trở thành biểu tượng của sự phản bội, đài báo Việt Nam so sánh ông với Lê Chiêu Thống.[4] Đó là thời điểm quan hệ Việt Nam - Trung Quốc căng thẳng và chiến tranh biên giới Việt-Trung vừa xảy ra hồi đầu năm.
Năm 1988, ông xuất bản hồi ký Giọt nước giữa biển cả
Hoàng Văn Hoan mất tại Bắc Kinh năm 1991, Trung Quốc tổ chức lễ tang cấp nhà nước dành cho ông, thi hài được chôn tại nghĩa trang Bát Bảo Sơn, nơi chôn cất của các quan chức cao cấp của Trung Quốc.[4] Gần đây một phần hài cốt của ông đã được chuyển về quê hương tại Việt Nam.[5]

[sửa] Chú thích
^ [1]
^ [2]
^ “Hanoi's Push”, TIME, 20 tháng 8 năm 1979. Truy cập 16 tháng 2 năm 2009.
^ a b “Nhìn lại nhân vật Hoàng Văn Hoan”, BBC Việt ngữ, 16 tháng 2 năm 2009. Truy cập 16 tháng 2 năm 2009.
^ “Số phận ông Hoàng Văn Hoan”, BBC Việt ngữ, 14 tháng 2 năm 2009. Truy cập 16 tháng 2 năm 2009.

[sửa] Xem thêm
Lê Duẩn
Trường Chinh
Lê Đức Thọ

[sửa] Liên kết ngoài
Hồi ký "Giọt nước trong biển cả" - Hoàng Văn Hoan
Số phận ông Hoàng Văn Hoan
Nhìn lại nhân vật Hoàng Văn Hoan


Vũ Thư Hiên

Vũ Thư Hiên (sinh năm 1933) là nhà văn Việt Nam, còn có bút danh là Kim Ân, từng đoạt giải thưởng của Hội Nhà văn Việt Nam năm 1988 với tác phẩm Miền thơ ấu. Ông là con trai của Vũ Đình Huỳnh, thư ký riêng của Hồ Chí Minh. Ông bị bắt năm 1967 và giam cầm chín năm trong "vụ nhóm xét lại chống Ðảng". Năm 1997, hồi ký Đêm giữa ban ngày của ông được xuất bản, trong đó ông tiết lộ những bí mật của vụ án xét lại và gây dư luận lớn trong cộng đồng người Việt.

[sửa] Tiểu sử
Vũ Thư Hiên sinh ngày 18 tháng 10 năm 1933 tại Hà Nội, trong một gia đình mà cha là Vũ Ðình Huỳnh và mẹ là Phạm Thị Tề đều là thành viên của tổ chức Thanh niên Cách mạng Ðồng chí Hội, tiền thân của Ðảng Cộng sản Ðông Dương.

Ông thuở nhỏ đi học, lớn lên đi ca hát, đóng kịch trong một đội Tuyên truyền xung phong (năm 1946); Đi bộ đội (1949); Công tác điện ảnh (1953); đi học viết kịch bản điện ảnh tại Liên Xô (1954-1959), làm việc cho Xưởng phim Việt Nam tại Hà Nội (1959), biên tập viên và phóng viên báo ảnh Việt Nam (1960).

Năm 1967, ông bị bắt sau cha là ông Vũ Ðình Huỳnh hai tháng, trong vụ án được gọi là "vụ nhóm xét lại chống Ðảng". Ông bị giam 9 năm, trong đó bị giam trong xà lim cá nhân bốn năm rưỡi, qua các nhà tù Hỏa Lò, Bất Bạt (Sơn Tây), Tân Lập (Phú Thọ).

Ông làm công nhân cao su (1977), làm kỹ thuật hóa (1979), làm kinh doanh (1991). Ộng là hội viên Hội Nhà văn Việt Nam từ năm 1990.

Năm 1993 Vũ Thư Hiên được đi sang Nga với tư cách phiên dịch cho một công ty thương mại. Ông vận động để được ở lại, làm đại diện cho công ty. Trong khi làm việc ông bắt đầu viết cuốn hồi ký Ðêm giữa ban ngày về chín năm bị giam cầm, trong đó ông muốn chia sẻ với người đọc những điều suy ngẫm về mô hình nhà nước chuyên chính vô sản.

Ðến cuối năm 1995, thấy không thể ở Moskva lâu hơn nữa, ông tìm cách qua Ba Lan. Ðến cuối năm 1996, sau một chuyến đi Paris, trở về Ba Lan ông được mật báo về tình hình nguy hiểm có thể xảy ra cho ông nếu nấn ná ở lại nước này để hoàn thành cuốn hồi ký[cần dẫn nguồn]. Do đó Vũ Thư Hiên quyết định qua tỵ nạn tại Pháp. Tại đây, ông đã hoàn thành tập hồi ký Ðêm giữa ban ngày, được xuất bản vào tháng 4/1997.

[sửa] Tác phẩm
Những tác phẩm của ông đã xuất bản khi còn ở Việt Nam:

Lối thoát (kịch, 1954)
Bông hồng vàng (dịch của tác giả Paustovsky, 1960)
Truyện ngắn Paustovsky (dịch, 1962)
Luật rừng (truyện, in chung, 1985)
Khúc quân hành lặng lẽ (truyện nhiều tập, 1985-1989)
Luật rừng (kịch bản, 1988)
Miền thơ ấu (tiểu thuyết, 1988); và một số kịch bản điện ảnh. Nhà văn đã được nhận giải A văn học thiếu nhi của Hội Nhà văn Việt Nam năm 1988 với tác phẩm Miền thơ ấu.
Sau khi định cư tại nước ngoài, ông viết thêm một số tác phẩm, trong đó có Đêm giữa ban ngày(1997).

[sửa] Liên kết ngoài
Phỏng vấn nhà hoạt động dân chủ Vũ Thư Hiên, RFA 2005.
Vũ Thư Hiên trên trang Đối Thoại
Đọc Đêm giữa ban ngày (1997) trên Đặc Trưng hoặc VN Thư Quán.
Đọc Miền thơ ấu (1988) trên trang Văn Tuyển
Tuyển tập Vũ Thư Hiên
Bản dịch tập truyện Bông hồng vàng của tác giả Paustovsky.
Lấy từ “http://vi.wikipedia.org/wiki/V%C5%A9_Th%C6%B0_Hi%C3%AAn”
Thể loại: Nhân vật bất đồng chính kiến Việt Nam | Nhà văn hải ngoại | Người Hà NộiXemBài viết Thảo luận Sửa đổi Lịch sử Công cụ cá nhânĐăng nhập / Mở tài khoản Xem nhanh
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Nguyễn Vỹ

1912Đức Phổ, Quảng Ngãi, Việt Nam
4 tháng 2 năm 1971Tân Hương, Long An, Việt Nam
Nghề nghiệp
Nhà thơ, Nhà báo
Tác phẩm chính
Tập thơ đầuHoang vuTuấn, chàng trai nước ViệtVăn thi sĩ tiền chiến (xem thêm)
Nguyễn Vỹ (1912 - 1971) là một trong những nhà thơ mới đầu tiên của Việt Nam. Các bút hiệu khác của ông: Tân Phong, Tân Trí, Lệ Chi, Cô Diệu Huyền.
Ông nổi tiếng là một thơ yêu chuộng cái mới và là một nhà báo nói thật.[1]
Mục lục[ẩn]
1 Tiểu sử
2 Tác phẩm
3 Đánh giá
4 Hai bài thơ lưu truyền
5 Chú thích
6 Liên kết

[sửa] Tiểu sử
Nguyễn Vỹ sinh năm 1912[2] tại làng Tân Hội (sau đổi là Tân Phong, năm 1945 lại đổi là Phổ Phong), huyện Ðức Phổ, tỉnh Quảng Ngãi. Cha ông tên Nguyễn Tuyên từng làm quan ở huyện Tuy Phước tỉnh Bình Định, nhưng vì chống Pháp nên từ chức, mẹ là bà Trần Thị Luyến. Ngoài ra ông có người bác là Nguyễn Thuyên từng bị quân Pháp đày Côn Đảo, anh họ là Nguyễn Nghiêm, thủ lĩnh phong trào Xô viết Nghệ Tĩnh ở Quảng Ngãi năm 1930 sau bị giết hại tại tỉnh nhà.
Ông từng theo học tại trường Trung học Pháp-Việt ở Qui Nhơn 1924-1927, rồi gián đoạn vì tham gia các cuộc vận động chống thực dân, sau đó ông ra miền Bắc theo học ban tú tài tại Hà Nội.
Năm 1934, ông xuất bản tập thơ đầu tiên, tên là Tập thơ đầu. Tập thơ này gồm hơn 30 bài thơ Việt và thơ Pháp. Tập thơ đầu in ra không được nhiều thiện cảm, bị cho là rườm rà, "nhiều chân" và là đối tượng chê bai chính của Lê Ta trên các báo.
Năm 1937, Nguyễn Vỹ sáng lập tờ Việt Pháp lấy tên là Le Cygne, tức Bạch Nga. Báo này ngoài Nguyễn Vỹ còn có nhà văn nổi tiếng bấy giờ là Trương Tửu cộng tác. Sau do Nguyễn Vỹ có viết nhiều bài viết chỉ trích đường lối cai trị của người Pháp nên tờ báo bị đóng cửa, bị rút giấy phép vĩnh viễn. Còn bản thân ông bị qui kết tội “phá rối trị an và phá hoại nền an ninh quốc gia”. Kết quả: ông bị tòa án thực dân tuyên phạt 6 tháng tù và 3000 quan tiền phạt.
Ông mãn tù năm 1939, lúc Pháp thất trận, quân Nhật vào chiếm đóng. Nguyễn Vỹ lại tranh đấu chống Nhật, ông dùng ngòi bút cho xuất bản hai quyển sách chống chế độ quân phiệt Nhật là: “Kẻ thù là Nhật bản”; “Cái họa Nhật-bản”.
Lần này, Nguyễn Vỹ lại bị quân Nhật bắt giam tại ngục Trà Khê (sau này trong tạp chí Phổ thông bộ mới, Nguyễn Vỹ có kể lại những ngày sống trong tù ngục với tựa bài “ Người tù 69”).
Năm 1945, thế chiến thứ hai chấm dứt, Nguyễn Vỹ ra tù, sáng lập tờ báo Tổ quốc tại Sài Gòn, trong ấy có những bài công kích chính quyền đương thời nên chỉ ít lâu sau, báo Tổ quốc bị đóng cửa.
Sau đấy, Nguyễn Vỹ lại cho ra tờ Dân chủ xuất bản ở Ðà Lạt, chống chính sách quân chủ lập hiến của Bảo Ðại. Tồn tại chẳng bao lâu, đến lượt báo Dân chủ bị đình bản.
Năm 1952, một nhật báo khác cũng do Nguyễn Vỹ chủ trương là tờ Dân ta, sống được một thời gian, cuối cùng cũng bị đóng cửa như các tờ báo trước của ông.
Mãi đến năm 1958, ông đứng ra chủ trương bán nguyệt san Phổ Thông, chú trọng về nghệ thuật và văn học, tạp chí này được kể là có nhiều uy tín đối với làng báo miền Nam.Ngoài ra, ông còn cho ra tuần báo Bông Lúa, Tuần báo thiếu nhi Thằng Bờm…
Năm 1956, Nguyễn Vỹ được mời làm cố vấn cho chính quyền thời bấy giờ, nhưng chỉ ít lâu sau ông rút lui. Trong khoảng thời gian này ông được phép tái bản nhật báo Dân ta (bộ mới) nhưng đến năm 1965 cũng lại bị đóng cửa và từ 1967 Nguyễn Vỹ chỉ còn chủ trương tạp chí Phổ-thông mà thôi.
Vào ngày 4 tháng 2 năm 1971, ông qua đời do tại nạn xe hơi trên đoạn đường Tân An ( thuộc tỉnh Long An) - Sài Gòn, hưởng dương 59 tuổi.

[sửa] Tác phẩm
Tập thơ đầu - Premières poésies (Thơ Việt và Pháp), tác giả xuất bản, Hà Nội, 1934
Đứa con hoang (tiểu thuyết) Nxb Minh Phương, Hà Nội, 1936
Grandeurs et Servitudes de Nguyễn Văn Nguyên (tập truyện ngắn Việt Nam bằng Pháp văn) Nxb Đông Tây, Hà Nội, 1937
Kẻ thù là Nhật Bản (luận đề chính trị), Nxb Thanh Niên, Hà Nội, 1938
Cái họa Nhật Bản (luận đề chính trị), Nxb Thanh Niên, Hà Nội, 1938
Đứng trước thảm kịch Việt Pháp - Devant le drame Franco Vietnamien, (luận đề chính trị bằng Việt và Pháp văn) tác giả xuất bản, Đà Lạt 1947
Hào quang Đức Phật (luận đề tôn giáo) tác giả xuất bản, Đà Lạt 1948
Thi sĩ Kì Phong (tiểu thuyết, 1938)
Chiếc Bóng (tiểu thuyết, Nxb Cộng Lực, Hà Nội 1941)
Chiếc áo cưới mầu hồng (tiểu thuyết), Nxb Dân Ta, Sàigòn 1957
Người yêu của hoàng thượng (tiểu thuyết, Nxb Minh Phương, Hà Nội 1958)
Giây bí rợ (tiểu thuyết), Nxb Dân Ta, Sàigòn 1957
Hai thiêng liêng I
Hai thiêng liêng II (tiểu thuyết), Nxb Dân Ta, Sàigòn 1957
Hoang vu (thơ) Nxb Phổ Thông, Sàigòn 1962
Mồ hôi nước mắt (tiểu thuyết), Nxb Sống Mới, Sàigòn 1965
Những đàn bà lừng danh trong lịch sử (biên khảo), Nxb Sống Mới, Sàigòn 1970
Tuấn, chàng trai nước Việt I
Tuấn, chàng trai nước Việt II, (chứng tích thời đại), Nxb Triêu Dương, Sàigòn, 1970
Văn thi sĩ tiền chiến (ký ức văn học), Nxb Khai Trí, sàigòn, 1970
Buồn muốn khóc lên (thơ) 1970
Mình ơi (văn hóa tổng quát) 1970
Thơ lên ruột (thơ trào phúng) 1971

[sửa] Đánh giá
Bên cạnh những tập sách biên khảo có giá trị như Văn thi sĩ tiền chiến, Tuấn - chàng trai nước Việt… Nguyễn Vỹ còn viết nhiều bộ tiểu thuyết, nhưng được đánh giá là không thành công ( theo Vũ Ngọc Phan, Nhà Văn hiện đại, tập hai, NXB KHXH, 1989).
Riêng về thơ, ông nhận được nhiều chê bai mà ngợi khen cũng lắm:
Trong Tập thơ đầu (1934) , Nguyễn Vỹ có đăng vài bài theo lối 12 chân (alexandrins) , một lối thơ mới trên thi đàn Việt Nam, nhưng không lạ gì đối với thi đàn Phương Tây.
“Đến ngày nay cảnh non sông đã phủ mấy lớp sương mù
Mà còn rên dưới rễ cỏ những vết hận lòng lai láng…”
( Gửi một thi sĩ của nước tôi, Hà Nội báo, số 23, 1936)
Chính vì lẽ đó, ông bị Thế Lữ cho rằng ông “có ý định toan lòe và bịp mọi người”[3], Vũ Ngọc Phan (trong sách đã dẫn) viết: "Với thời gian, không một ai có thể bị cám dỗ mãi về những cái tầm thường, chỉ cầu kỳ có bề mặt” ( tr.1146) Và Hoài ThanhHoài Chân đã dành những lời lẽ này để viết về Nguyễn Vỹ như sau:
“Nguyễn Vỹ đã đến giữa làng thơ với chiêng trống, xập xoèng inh cả tai. Chúng ta đổ nhau xem. Nhưng chúng ta lại tưng hửng trở vào vì ngoài cái lối ăn mặc và những điệu bộ lố lăng, lúc đầu ta thấy con người ấy không có gì…”
Chê bai Nguyễn Vỹ, nhưng ngay sau đó ông Thanh và ông Chân cũng phải nhìn nhận:
" Một bài như bài “sương rơi” được rất nhiều người thích. Người ta thấy Nguyễn Vỹ đã sáng tạo ra một nhạc điệu riêng để diễn tả một cái gì đương rơi.Cái gì đó có thể là những giọt lệ …Nhưng “sương rỏi” còn có vẻ một bài văn.”Gửi Trương Tửu” mới thực là kiệt tác của Nguyễn Vỹ. Lời thơ thống thiết, uất ức, đủ dãi nỗi bi phẫn cho cả một hạng người." ( Thi nhân tiền chiến, NXB Văn Học, 1988, tr.107-108).
Khác với những ý trên, Lan Khai trong báo Đông Phương, Phạm Huy Thông trong báo L’Annam nouveau ( báo của Nguyễn Văn Vĩnh), Lê Tràng Kiều trong Hà Nội báo ( số 23, ngày 10 tháng 6 năm 1936) lại hết sức khen ngợi thơ Nguyễn Vỹ. Và trong quyển Hồn Thơ nước Việt thế kỷ xx ( NXB Sơn Quang, Sài Gòn, 1967) có ghi lời của Lam Giang (tác giả Khảo luận thơ mới, NXB Hà nội, 1940) như sau:
“Phê bình Nguyễn vỹ, Hoài Thanh phát biểu một ý kiến võ đoán: “ Nguyễn Vỹ chí lớn mà tài nhỏ nên hay lập dị, chứ thật sự ít có thành tích văn chương”
Tôi thiết tưởng cái công du nhập đầu tiên lối thơ nhạc vào thi đàn Việt Nam, giữa lúc rất nhiều người chỉ chăm lo đả kích Luật Đường, chứ chưa sáng tạo được một thể điệu gì mới, cũng đáng cho chúng ta nhìn tác giả với một nhãn quang nhiều thiện cảm hơn”.
Năm 1962, tập thơ thứ nhì mang tên “Hoang vu” ra đời. Bình luận về tập thơ này, nhà văn Thiết Mai trong Sáng dội miền Nam viết:
“Nguyễn Vỹ đã nếm mùi tân khổ, gian lao…lại ở vào cảnh giao thời của hai thế hệ, trong tình trạng bi đát nhất của lịch sử nước nhà, nên Nguyễn Vỹ đã trở thành con người rắn rỏi, yếm thế…rồi đi đến tâm trạng căm hờn, biếm nhạo, khắc khe, chua chát…Nhưng lúc trở lại với bẩm tính vốn có, chúng ta thấy ông hiền dịu, đa tình, đa cảm, thiết tha với một đời sống êm đềm…
Về tài thơ, ta thấy thơ của ông được cấu tạo đễ dàng, không gò ép…Điều đáng chú ý là ông như muốn đưa những thể mới, có tác dụng gây xúc cảm, có âm điệu du dương, hợp tình để gợi tình và tả chân mạnh hơn. Thể mới ấy được thấy trong các bài thơ: Sương rơi, Mưa rào, Tiếng chuông chùa…
Về ý thơ, Nguyễn Vỹ đã có nhiều ý tưởng, nhiều câu văn táo bạo ( Hai người điên, Hai con chó, Trăng, Chó, Tù, Đêm trinh…). Điều này khiến thơ của ông thoát ra khỏi lối thường tình, cổ điển và cũng chứng tỏ ông là con người có nội tâm cứng rắn, thành thật, dám biểu lộ tâm tư mình bằng những hình ảnh thiết thực do lòng mình suy tưởng…”
Nguyễn Tấn Long và Nguyễn Hữu Trọng viết trong Việt Nam thi nhân tiền chiến:
“Nguyễn Vỹ góp mặt vào làng thơ tiền chiến từ năm 1934, thời kỳ thơ mới đang hồi phát triển mạnh mẽ. Trong giai đoạn này, phần đông thi sĩ thường đem khung cảnh lãng mạn, chuyện tình ái vào thi ca…Nhưng với Nguyễn Vỹ, có thể nói nhà thơ không lấy tình yêu làm đối tượng, vì thế thơ ông có một đường nét độc đáo riêng biệt..
Đọc Nguyễn Vỹ, người ta cảm nhận những điều mỉa mai, chua chát…là sự tức tối như muốn phá vỡ cái gì trong hiện tại đang bị dồn ép, uất ức để nói lên nỗi thống khổ của kiếp người…(tr.438)
Tôi không muốn gánh kho vàng thơ mộng
Đem chợ đời đổi lấy món cân đai
Đừng nhử tôi ngựa, xe, tàn , võng, lọng
Ai công hầu khanh tướng, mặc ai ai
Đừng bắt tôi mang hia, choàng áo rộng,
Và khom lưng lạy các chúa trên ngai!
(trích trong "Hoang Vu")
Ở trang 448, hai ông còn viết:
"Thời tiền chiến, thân phận Nguyễn Vỹ đã thế, nhưng với ý chí phục vụ văn nghệ, trung thành đường hướng vạch sẵn, ông, một nhà thơ từng chịu nhiều cam go trên đường tạo lập văn nghiệp, đã kiên trì xây dựng lại Trường thơ Bạch Nga trong bán nguyệt san Phổ Thông từ Trung thu năm 1962 và được nhiều bạn đọc hưởng ứng, chứng tỏ lời nói trước kia của Lê tràng Kiều là đúng: “ Người ta công kích ta, chỉ chứng tỏ là ta sống…”. Vậy , Nguyễn Vỹ ngày nay hãy yên ổn với trường phái của mình.”
Và ở trang 460:
"Nguyễn Vỹ là một nhà thơ có thực tài.Ông có cái nhìn thường xuyên vào thực trạng xã hội, theo dõi những màu sắc biến đổi của nhịp sống dân tộc đã chịu nhiều thảm họa; hòa lẫn vào đấy là tình thương yêu đồng loại. Tiếng thơ của Nguyễn Vỹ là tiếng nói chân thành phát xuất tự con người còn nghĩ đến quê hương."

[sửa] Hai bài thơ lưu truyền
Sương rơi
Sương rơi
Nặng trĩu
Trên cành
Dương liễu …
Nhưng hơi
Gió bấc
Lạnh lùng
Hiu hắt
Thấm vào
Em ơi
Trong lòng
Hạt sương
Thành một
Vết thương
Rồi hạt
Sương trong
Tan tác
Trong lòng
Tả tơi
Em ơi !
Gửi Trương Tửu
Dạo ấy chúng mình nghèo xơ xác,
Mà vẫn coi tiền như cỏ rác.
Kiếm được đồng nào đem tiêu hoang,
Rủ nhau chè chén nói huênh hoang.
Xáo lộn văn chương với chả cá,
Chửi Ðông, chửi Tây, chửi tất cả,
Rồi ngủ một đêm mộng với mê .
Sáng dậy nhìn nhau cười hê hê!
Bây giờ thời thế vẫn thấy khó,
Nhà văn An-nam khổ như chó![4]
Mỗi lần cầm bút viết văn chương,
Nhìn đàn chó đói gặm trơ xương
Rồi nhìn chúng mình hì hục viết
Suốt mấy năm trời kiết vẫn kiết,
Mà thương cho tôi, thương cho anh
Ðã rụng bao nhiêu mái tóc xanh.
Bao giờ chúng mình thật ngất ngưởng?
Tôi làm Trạng-Nguyên anh Tể-Tướng,
Rồi anh bên Võ tôi bên Văn,
Múa bút tung gươm hả một phen?
Cho bõ căm hờn cái xã hội
Mà anh thường kêu mục, nát, thối?
Cho người làm ruộng, kẻ làm công.
Ðều được an vui hớn hở lòng?
Bây giờ chúng mình gạch một chữ
Làm cho đảo điên pho Lịch-sử!
Làm cho bốn mươi thế kỷ xưa
Hất mồ nhổm dậy cười say xưa
Ðể xem hai chàng trai quắc thước
Quét sạch quân thù trên Ðất Nước ?
Ðể cho toàn thể dân Việt Nam
Ðều được Tự-do muôn muôn năm?
Ðể cho muôn muôn đời dân tộc
Hết đói rét, lầm than tang tóc?
Chứ như bây giờ là trò chơi!
Làm báo làm bung chán mớ đời!
Anh đi che tàn một lũ ngốc
Triết lý con cừu, văn chương cóc!
Còn tôi bưng thúng theo đàn bà,
Ra chợ bán văn ngày tháng qua!...
(Viết rồi hãy còn say)

[sửa] Chú thích
^ Tiểu sử Nguyễn Vỹ, căn cứ theo Văn Thi sĩ tiền chiến của Nguyễn Vỹ (NXB Văn Học, 2007) và Việt Nam thi nhân tiền chiếncủa Nguyễn Tấn Long và Nguyễn Hữu Trọng (NXB Sống Mới, Sài Gòn, 1968)
^ Năm sinh ghi theo Từ điển Tác gia Văn hóa Việt Nam (Nxb VH-TT, 1998) và Việt Nam thi nhân tiền chiến (sách đã dẫn). Từ điển Văn học (bộ mới, Nxb Thế giới, 2004) ghi ông sinh năm 1912.
^ Theo Nguyễn Tấn Long và Nguyễn Hữu Trọng, sách đã dẫn tr.442
^ Câu thơ nổi tiếng của ông nằm trong bài Gửi Trương Tửu, thường được nhắc lại như một cách hình dung ra diện mạo văn chương nước Việt Nam thời Pháp thuộc

[sửa] Liên kết
[1] - Nguyễn Vỹ trên trang Văn nghệ.
Nguyễn Vỹ trên trang thi nhân Quảng Ngãi.
Thơ Nguyễn Vỹ trên Thi viện
Nguyễn Vỹ - Nhân chứng của một thời
Lấy từ “http://vi.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nguy%E1%BB%85n_V%E1%BB%B9
Thể loại: Sinh 1912 Mất 1971 Nhà văn Việt Nam Nhà thơ tiền chiến Nhà báo Việt Nam Người chủ báo
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Sửa đổi lần cuối lúc 21:36, ngày 17 tháng 3 năm 2009.
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